The official I LOVE JEWISH SUPREMACY THREAD!!!![views:13079][posts:19]_____________________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 6:52pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] Benjamin Ginsberg, The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State. Ginsberg, a prominent Jewish intellectual, is Professor of Political Science at John Hopkins University. You are at http://users.cyberone.com.au/myers/ginsberg.html. Selections and comments by Peter Myers mailto:myers@cyberone.com.au; bold emphasis added, footnotes omitted. My comments are shown {thus}. Date May 3, 2001; update December 10, 2003. {Jews in Communist regimes: p. 30, then p. 53} Benjamin Ginsberg, The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State (University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1993): {p. 1} Since the 1960s, Jews have come to wield considerable influence in American economic, cultural, intellectual, and political life. Jews played a central role in American finance during the 1980s, and they were among the chief beneficiaries of that decade's corporate mergers and reorganizations. Today, though barely 2% of the nation's population is Jewish, close to half its billionaires are Jews. The chief executive officers of the three major television networks, and the four largest film studios are Jews, as are the owners of the nation's largest newspaper chain and most influential single newspaper, the New York Times. In the late 1960s, Jews already constituted 20% of the faculty of elite universities and 40% of the professors of elite law schools; today, these percentages doubtless are higher. The role and influence of Jews in American politics is equally marked. Jews are elected to public office in disproportionate numbers. In 1993, ten members of the United States Senate and thirty-two members of the House of Representatives were Jewish, three to four times their percentage of the general population. Jews are even more prominent in political organizations and in finance. One recent study found that in twenty-seven of thirty-six campaigns for the United States Senate, one or both candidates relied upon a Jewish campaign chairman or finance director. In the realm of lobbying and litigation, Jews organized what was for many years one of Washington's most successful political action committees, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), and they play leadership roles in such important public interest groups as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and Common Cause. Several Jews also played very important roles in the 1992 Democratic presidential campaign. After the Democrats' victory, President Clinton appointed a number of Jews to prominent positions in his administration. Their role in American economic, social, and political institutions has enabled Jews to wield considerable influence in the nation's public life. The most obvious indicator of this influence is the $3 billion in direct military and economic aid provided to Israel by the United States each year and, for that matter, the like amount given to Egypt since it agreed to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. {p. 2} That fully three-fourths of America's foreign aid budget is devoted to Israel's security interests is a tribute in considerable measure to the lobbying prowess of AIPAC and the importance of the Jewish community in American politics {but what does it say about "Jewish Internationalism" - that trademark Jewish concern for the poor?}. At least until recently, another mark of Jewish influence was the virtual disappearance of anti-Semitic rhetoric from mainstream public discourse in the United States. As a general rule, what can and cannot be said in public reflects the distribution of political power in society; as Jews gained political power, politicians who indulged in anti-Semitic tactics were labeled extremists and exiled to the margins of American politics. Similarly, religious symbols and forms of expression that Jews find threatening have been almost completely eliminated from schools and other public institutions. Suits brought by the ACLU, an organization whose leadership and membership are predominantly Jewish, secured federal court decisions banning officially sanctioned prayers in the public schools and creches and other religious displays in parks and public buildings. American Jews secured their position of power quite recently. During the Second World War, the Jewish community lacked sufficient influence to induce the U.S. government to take any action that might have impeded the slaughter of European Jews. As recently as the early 1950s, public officials such as Representative John Rankin of Mississippi felt free to make anti-Semitic speeches on the floor of Congress. In 1956, during the Suez crisis, President Dwight D. Eisenhower could refuse even to meet with American Jewish leaders who sought to discuss U.S. policy in the Middle East. Into the early 1960s, elite universities including Harvard, Yale, and Princeton maintained quotas limiting Jewish enrollments. Not only is the extraordinary prominence of Jews in American politics a relatively recent development but, during the past several years, there have been some indications that Jewish influence might already be waning. In 1992, for example, former President George Bush resisted and ultimately defeated efforts by AIPAC and other Jewish organizations to secure American loan guarantees to assist Israel in the construction of additional Jewish settlements in the territories it occupied after its 1967 war with the Arab states. In a nationally televised press conference during the loan guarantee struggle, Bush seemed to question the legitimacy of American Jews' efforts on Israel's behalf. The president later denied that this had been his intention. The effect of the Bush press conference and subsequent comments, however, was to intimidate American Jewish organizations and weaken their support for the loan guarantees. The {p. 3} Bush administration's larger goal was to undermine Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir's Likud government, which was viewed as an obstacle to the realization of American policy aims in the Middle East. By cowing Israel's Jewish supporters in America, the White House hoped to weaken Shamir and replace him with a more compliant Israeli government. This American effort was successful. The Likud bloc was defeated in Israel's 1992 elections by a labor coalition led by Yitzhak Rabin. In the fall of 1992, having secured the election of an Israel government more to its liking, the White House gave its support to a new loan guarantee package as an inducement to the Israelis to toe the American line in the Middle East. Then, having nominally improved its relations with Israel, the Bush administration made a token effort to mend its fences with Jewish voters and contributors in America. The administration made it clear, however, that, having humbled the once-powerful Jewish lobby, it would not permit its Middle East policies to be shaped by the wishes of the Jews. Another indication that the influence of American Jews may be waning is the resurgence of anti-Semitic - sometimes veiled as anti-Zionist - rhetoric in American political discourse. On the liberal left, opposition to Israel is commonplace. During the 1991 Persian Gulf War, for example, some liberal activists charged that the Israeli occupation of Arab lands was a major underlying cause of the conflict. Indeed, the Persian Gulf War opened major cleavages between Jews and other elements within the American liberal community. Liberal groups ranging from the National Council of Churches through the Friends of the Earth argued against the use of force to dislodge Iraq from Kuwait, leaving liberal Jewish advocates of a military solution such as Ann Lewis, former political director of the Democratic National Committee, isolated from their usual allies. In its statement opposing American military action in the Persian Gulf, the National Council of Churches also endorsed the creation of a Palestinian state. African Americans, for their part, usually do not bother to hide their attacks on Jews behind the smoke screen of opposition to Zionism. In recent years, some black leaders, including Nation of Islam Minister Louis Farrakhan, former U.S. Representative Gus Savage, and Democratic presidential candidate Jesse Jackson have made anti-Semitic comments of the sort that had all but disappeared from American politics. At the same time, anti-Semitic black speakers have become the wandering minstrels of the college lecture circuit. Curiously, some of the very same student and faculty groups that vehe- {p. 4} mently assert that the first Amendment does not protect speech deemed to be racist, homophobic, or sexist cheerfully dabble in anti-Semitic rhetoric. To be sure, liberal forces are sufficiently dependent upon Jews for their power in American politics so that anti-Semitic rhetoric on the part of blacks and other liberals is not a direct threat to the Jews. The influence of Jews within the liberal camp may be reduced somewhat by an alliance of blacks and other left liberals. Barring some cataclysmic restructuring of political forces in the United States, however, Jews could not be jettisoned from the contemporary liberal coalition in the way that they were, say, from America's nineteenth-century industrialist coalition - a phenomenon we shall examine in Chapter 2. Nevertheless, the use of anti-Semitic rhetoric on the part of nominal allies of the Jews - and the inability of the Jews to do much about it - is a signal to other forces that Jews are now fair game. This signal has not been missed by forces on the political right - forces that are not dependent upon Jews for their own political power. Among some groups of conservatives, anti-Semitism has become sufficiently noteworthy that an entire recent issue of the National Review was devoted to the topic. The prominent conservative commentator and recent presidential aspirant, Patrick Buchanan, barely bothers to deny his anti-Semitism, while a number of other conservatives are pleased to flaunt theirs. In 1991, prior to the Persian Gulf War, Buchanan asserted that men named Rosenthal, Kissinger, Perle, and Krauthammer - a group he called Israel's "amen corner" in the United States - were beating the drums for a war in which "kids with names like McAllister, Murphy, Gonzales and LeRoy Brown" would be the ones to die. Later, as a candidate in Georgia's March 1992 Republican presidential primary, Buchanan attacked a group of Jewish hecklers by saying, "This is a rally of Americans, by Americans, and for the good old U.S.A., my friends." During the same rally, Buchanan responded to a question about his anti-Semitism and racism by referring to his First Amendment guarantee of free speech. In addition, radical populists, who until recently had been viewed as part of the lunatic fringe, have become much more active over the past several years. The most notorious of these, of course, is David Duke, a neo-Nazi who captured 55% of the white vote in the 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial election. For radical populists like Duke, anti-Semitism is an important drawing card, even if they sometimes choose to keep it face down - but still in a prominent spot on the {p. 5} table - when appealing for middle-class votes. Duke failed to win much support in the several 1991 primaries he entered, mainly because he was overshadowed by Buchanan. Nevertheless, the brute fact remains that a Nazi very nearly was elected governor of an American state in 1991. Many surveys suggest that, except among blacks, popular anti-Semitism in the United States is still at a relatively low level. Contrary to the views of the pollsters, however, surveys are a barometer or reflection of what has taken place in political life, not a predictor of what is politically possible. If anti-Semitic appeals or rhetoric began to figure more prominently in political discourse among whites, as they already have among blacks, then in due course the polls would undoubtedly reflect this change by recording more popular anti-Semitism. Just as the public cannot be in favor of a political candidate they have not yet heard about, they cannot support a political ideology that has not yet forcefully been presented to them. Ideas, like candidates and products, need to be marketed before they can gain adherents. As Joseph Schumpeter once put it, public opinion is the "product rather than the motive power of the political process." Could anti-Semitism be promoted successfully in contemporary America? Some social historians have maintained that American "exceptionalism," that is, the unusual strength of liberal values in the United States, precludes the emergence of major anti-Semitic movements in this country. The validity of this optimistic view, though, is open to question. Certainly, liberal democracy has been more firmly rooted in the United States than anywhere else in the world. It is extremely important to understand, however, that the strength of liberalism in America is not a function of some immutable ideological commitment on the part of Americans. Liberalism, rather, has prevailed in the United States as a result of the victories won by liberal forces in political struggles - sometimes pitched battles - against opponents whose values were decidedly illiberal. The triumph of liberal democracy was, by no means, preordained in, say, the 1860s or the 1930s. During both these periods liberal values prevailed because, and only because, the political - and military - forces controlled by the proponents of those values won after long and heroic conflicts whose outcomes remained in doubt for many years. Understanding liberalism as a doctrine that has prevailed, rather than one that has never been challenged in the United States, helps to illuminate the place of Jews and anti-Semitism in American history. First, over the past century, Jews have generally supported lib- {p. 6} eral values and been linked to liberal political forces in the United States. In turn, the opponents of those forces and values have upon occasion sought to make use of anti-Semitism to discredit them. Far from being excluded by liberalism, during several periods in American history, including the 1880s, 1930s, and 1950s, anti-Semitism played a significant role in attacks launched against liberal regimes in which Jews participated. Anti-Semitism was used, in part, to delegitimate liberal democracy by exposing it as a creature of, or cover for, the Jews. For example, many readers will, no doubt, recall that some right-wing opponents of the New Deal labeled it the "Jew Deal" as a prominent component of their effort to undermine the Roosevelt administration. Second, during these periods - the 1930s and 1950s in particular - anti-Semitism was defeated by liberal forces rather than precluded by liberalism. Groups espousing anti-Semitic ideologies were vanquished by Jews and their allies in liberal coalitions after long and arduous political struggles whose favorable outcomes were in no sense guaranteed. During these struggles, Jews were important members of the liberal camp. Indeed, as we shall see, Jews helped to defend American liberalism from its foes as much as liberalism protected the Jews from anti-Semitism. Finally, far from excluding anti-Semitism, American liberalism has, itself, not been entirely free of antagonism to Jews. At the end of the nineteenth-century, as we shall see, the liberal forces of the day, led by Northeastern industrialists, found it politically expedient to respond to their patrician and populist opponents' use of anti-Semitism by distancing themselves from the Jews. As a result, nominally liberal forces participated in a campaign to extrude Jews from American political and social life. Paradoxically, it was precisely the strength of liberal groups that allowed them to jettison their putative Jewish allies. The triumph of liberalism in the aftermath of the Civil War made Jews superfluous to the liberal coalition. A parallel to this experience, as we shall see, is to be found in the relationship between blacks and Jews today. Thus, anti-Semitism has played a role in American history despite and, in some instances, because of the strength of American liberalism. It follows that there would seem to be no a priori reason to believe that American exceptionalism precludes the reemergence of anti-Semitism in the United States. In point of fact, there is certainly ample precedent in American history for an era of Jewish success to be followed by a period of decline - even anti-Semitism. During the Reconstruction era, Jews achieved a considerable measure of influ- {p. 7} ence, but beginning in the 1880s they were systematically excluded from many key institutions in American society. Jews played important roles in Wilsonian Progressivism, but then were assailed through the post-World War I Red Scare and the immigrant restriction movement. The influence of Jews rose during the New Deal era, but institutions in which Jews were prominent, such as government bureaucracies, labor unions, and the entertainment industry, came under attack - at times manifestly anti-Semitic in character - during the McCarthy period. In this way, the experience of Jews in America echoes the more general pattern of Jewish history. In a number of places and times, for example, fifteenth-century Spain, the Ottoman Empire, Weimar Germany, and post-revolutionary Russia, Jews achieved great power only to lose their influence and find themselves under assault. Most theories of anti-Semitism seek to identify the roots of ethnic prejudice. Some theorists locate these in economic relations. Others emphasize the role of religious institutions. Still others look to cultural differences and misunderstandings. No doubt, all of these explanations have some validity. It is not clear, however, that there is any mystery here to be explained. Whatever its psychological, social, economic, or even evolutionary basis, suspicion of strangers is the norm in all societies, while it is acceptance of outsiders that is unusual and generally ephemeral. When times are good and foreigners play a recognized and useful role in the community, they may be tolerated. On the other hand, when times are hard and outsiders seem to compete with their hosts, any latent popular xenophobia is more likely to manifest itself, and foreigners may become useful targets for rabble-rousing politicians. Recent events throughout Western Europe are unambiguous examples of this phenomenon. Certainly, everywhere that Jews have lived, their social or economic marginality - their position, "outside society," as Hannah Arendt put it - sooner or later exposed Jews to suspicion, hostility, and discrimination. Even in multiethnic societies, Jews have usually been the most successful and visible - and, hence, the most exposed - outsiders. In America, Jews currently appear to be accepted by the larger community. Nevertheless, at least in part by their own choosing, American Jews continue to maintain a significant and visible measure of communal identity and distinctiveness in religious, cultural, and political matters. At the same time, most gentiles continue to perceive Jews to be a peculiar and distinctive group. Though Jews have learned to look, talk, and dress like other Americans, they are not fully assimilated either in their own minds or in {p. 8} the eyes of their neighbors. Even in America, the marginality of the Jews makes them at least potentially vulnerable to attack. In America as elsewhere, moreover, Jews are outsiders who are often more successful than their hosts. Because of their historic and, in part, religiously grounded emphasis on education and literacy, when given an opportunity Jews have tended to prosper. And, to make matters worse, Jews often, secretly or not so secretly, conceive themselves to be morally and intellectually superior to their neighbors. Jews, to be sure, by no means have a monopoly on group post was too long read more at your own risk |
| __________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:08pm - nate nli ""] Now tell us that we need to stand up right? Fight our Jewish oppressors? Whoever wrote the article is a moron and does not research the facts. David Duke was not a neo-Nazi, he was a Klansman. He also founded the NAAWP. He never had anything to do with Nazi propaganda. Yeah what he did was still fucked but I'm just pointing out the fact that I'm sure much more of the article above is factually wrong as well. |
| __________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:08pm - nate nli ""] Now tell us that we need to stand up right? Fight our Jewish oppressors? Whoever wrote the article is a moron and does not research the facts. David Duke was not a neo-Nazi, he was a Klansman. He also founded the NAAWP. He never had anything to do with Nazi propaganda. Yeah what he did was still fucked but I'm just pointing out the fact that I'm sure much more of the article above is factually wrong as well. |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:10pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] [img] |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:17pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] nate nli said:Now tell us that we need to stand up right? Fight our Jewish oppressors? Whoever wrote the article is a moron and does not research the facts. David Duke was not a neo-Nazi, he was a Klansman. He also founded the NAAWP. He never had anything to do with Nazi propaganda. Yeah what he did was still fucked but I'm just pointing out the fact that I'm sure much more of the article above is factually wrong as well. I wanna spend the rest of my life with jews by my side, Forever and ever... Put a lean on my house, Make love to my spouse. It just keeps getting better... http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/haventohome/images/hh0222s.jpg |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:22pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] [img] |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:33pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] [img] Even George Bush loves the jews!!!! How can you possibly go wrong! Gee Whizzz I SURE DO LOVE THOSE JEWS!!!! |
| ____________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:39pm - wakeoftears ""] Are you kidding? I cant believe anyone cares enough about that topic to read ALL of that. Theres no fucking way im wasting my time on this. Where's infoterror when you need him Benjamin? |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:44pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] That's ok Wake... You don't have to read it just as long as you LOVE jews as much as I do everything will be great!!!!!! |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 1,2005 7:53pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] [img] |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 2,2005 6:29am - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] Jews are the chosen ones. |
| __________________________________________ [Oct 2,2005 10:36am - davefromthegrave ""] Benjamin Netanyahoo said:Jews are the chosen ones. chosen for what by whom? |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 2,2005 4:17pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] [img] |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 2,2005 4:22pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] [img] |
| _____________________________________________ [Oct 2,2005 4:36pm - Benjamin Netanyahoo ""] [img] |
| ___________________________________ [Oct 3,2005 5:52pm - anonymous ""] here we go, ... |
| ___________________________________ [Oct 3,2005 6:12pm - anonymous ""] good show on the history channel tonite about the secret organizations that run your world... |
| _____________________________________ [Oct 3,2005 7:14pm - the_reverend ""] I wish I were known as the rabbi. |
| _________________________________________ [Oct 3,2005 7:17pm - davefromthegrave ""] the_reverend said:I wish I were known as the rabbi. All it takes is a very simple procedure. [img] |
| _____________________________________ [Oct 3,2005 7:37pm - the_reverend ""] I'm already cut. |